27d8334352ef95ca62653708c4107b4d

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  • It was obvious—and this was shared by many colleagues and students—the vast majority of people made do with these designed technological, material infra- structures. In fact, much of their lives were spent navigating through, around, and in spite of the constant constraints and roadblocks that these infrastruc- tures and their associated social sys- tems imposed. (View Highlight)
  • In short, he raises an extremely im- portant political and ethical question that all technologists should think deeply about when they next sit down inside air-conditioned offices, at well cu- rated and equipped desk spaces, to de- sign for people whose lives they not only know nothing about but cannot compre- hend given the privileges of their own lived experiences. Should an extremely privileged minority be designing for the needs of an underprivileged majority? (View Highlight)
  • Time, for the Nuer, is not a discrete succession of states nor lived duration. It is social, interior to the life of the com- munity rather than exterior to it. This conceptualization of time as measured through the lifeworld of the community is also something particular to the Nuer in relation to how they live and survive. What it shows us, as do countless other examples of pre-modern communities in the annals of anthropological docu- mentation, is other ways of seeing, act- ing, and being in the world can, have, and do exist. (View Highlight)
  • “gender,” “class,” etc.) are universal. (View Highlight)
  • . For example, the idea that fundamental concepts, categories, and binaries like “nature” and “culture” exist across all cultures, or concepts that are commonly taken for granted in constructing modern identities (“race,” “gender,” “class,” etc.) are universal. In fact, the onto- logical turn in anthropology shows us precisely that these taken-for-granted categories and definitions, i.e. ontolo- gies, are local and specific to commu- nities and time periods. They are often fluid and protean, subject to change, often through political contestation and struggle. And they are often multi- valent, having different inflections and senses depending on h (View Highlight)
  • these taken-for-granted categories and definitions, i.e. ontolo- gies, are local and specific to commu- nities and time periods. They are often fluid and protean, subject to change, often through political contestation and struggle. And they are often multi- valent, having different inflections and senses depending on how and why they are being used. (View Highlight)
  • Strathern, in her text Relation, argues we reflect on the fact that whenever we construct knowledge around an unfamiliar Other, we make what is local and familiar to them familiar to us through a process of reduction by passing what is observed through our own concepts of the world, in what amounts to a “globalization” of knowledge [6]. T (View Highlight)
  • One of the key questions that a deco- lonial approach to design would there- fore raise is: What does it mean to design for people who are not like us, even be- fore we ask whether we should design for people who are not like us? What does it mean to design for people who have dif- ferent histories, different backgrounds, and different commitments from us? What does it mean to design for people who might relate to the world differently from the way we do? (View Highlight)
  • ugh a process of reduction by passing what is observed through our own concepts of the world, in what amounts to a “globalization” of knowledge [6]. This reduction is what makes what would otherwise be strange and irrational, impossible for us to in- ternalize, something that we can under- stand and internalize. (View Highlight)
  • Ontologies are, in short, cosmo- logically specific—and here I use the word cosmology instead of culture to denote that what we are talking about are large constellations of ontologies that structure the ways in which hu- man communities make sense of the cosmos they exist in. They are cosmo- ontologies. (View Highlight)
  • Thus I would argue the decoloni- zation of the knowledge systems that designers rely upon must start from a proper appraisal of difference. Not just difference in a shallow sense, where we assume people around the world simply use different words and languages to de- scribe the same concepts and the same realities. Instead, I would argue we must think of difference as something deeper and much more fundamental— something indicative of the incredibly different realities that p (View Highlight)
  • Thus I would argue the decoloni- zation of the knowledge systems that designers rely upon must start from a proper appraisal of difference. Not just difference in a shallow sense, where we assume people around the world simply use different words and languages to de- scribe the same concepts and the same realities. Instead, I would argue we must think of difference as something deeper and much more fundamental— something indicative of the incredibly different realities that people inhabit and relate to. Difference—and I would argue, especially the difference between different cultures, civilizations, com- munities, and collectives of people who have developed along their own trajec- tories through time—is ontological. It is deeply tied to the ways, the categories, through which we make sense of our- selves and our identities. (View Highlight)
  • anthropologist Evans-Pritchard described how the Nuer of Sudan construct their concept of something as fundamental as time: “In the middle of September Nuer turn, as it were, towards the life of fishing and cattle camps and feel that village resi- dence and horticulture lie behind them. They begin to speak of camps as though they were already in being, and long to be on the move. This restlessness is even more marked towards the end of the drought when, noting cloudy skies, peo- ple turn towards the life of villages and make preparations for striking camp… the concept of seasons is derived from social activities rather than from the cli- matic changes which determine them, and a ‘year’ is to Nuer a period of village residence (cieng) and a period of camp residence (wec)” (View Highlight)
  • o uncover how soci- eties that have lived more sustainably through their own everyday lives would be invaluable (View Highlight)
  • Second, an overturning of perspec- tive is possible. It comes from seeing our own knowledge and perspective as local in its own sense, and therefore, open to globalization within another’s worldview. This means we should be aware that the concepts we hold to be very familiar and “natural” can them- selves be subject to other interpreta- tions and consequently, reductions, when viewed from the perspective of a cosmological or cultural Other (View Highlight)

title: “27d8334352ef95ca62653708c4107b4d” author: “arena-attachments.s3.amazonaws.com” url: ”https://arena-attachments.s3.amazonaws.com/19677929/27d8334352ef95ca62653708c4107b4d.pdf?1672836603” date: 2023-12-19 source: reader tags: media/articles

27d8334352ef95ca62653708c4107b4d

rw-book-cover

Metadata

Highlights

  • It was obvious—and this was shared by many colleagues and students—the vast majority of people made do with these designed technological, material infra- structures. In fact, much of their lives were spent navigating through, around, and in spite of the constant constraints and roadblocks that these infrastruc- tures and their associated social sys- tems imposed. (View Highlight)
  • In short, he raises an extremely im- portant political and ethical question that all technologists should think deeply about when they next sit down inside air-conditioned offices, at well cu- rated and equipped desk spaces, to de- sign for people whose lives they not only know nothing about but cannot compre- hend given the privileges of their own lived experiences. Should an extremely privileged minority be designing for the needs of an underprivileged majority? (View Highlight)
  • Time, for the Nuer, is not a discrete succession of states nor lived duration. It is social, interior to the life of the com- munity rather than exterior to it. This conceptualization of time as measured through the lifeworld of the community is also something particular to the Nuer in relation to how they live and survive. What it shows us, as do countless other examples of pre-modern communities in the annals of anthropological docu- mentation, is other ways of seeing, act- ing, and being in the world can, have, and do exist. (View Highlight)
  • “gender,” “class,” etc.) are universal. (View Highlight)
  • . For example, the idea that fundamental concepts, categories, and binaries like “nature” and “culture” exist across all cultures, or concepts that are commonly taken for granted in constructing modern identities (“race,” “gender,” “class,” etc.) are universal. In fact, the onto- logical turn in anthropology shows us precisely that these taken-for-granted categories and definitions, i.e. ontolo- gies, are local and specific to commu- nities and time periods. They are often fluid and protean, subject to change, often through political contestation and struggle. And they are often multi- valent, having different inflections and senses depending on h (View Highlight)
  • these taken-for-granted categories and definitions, i.e. ontolo- gies, are local and specific to commu- nities and time periods. They are often fluid and protean, subject to change, often through political contestation and struggle. And they are often multi- valent, having different inflections and senses depending on how and why they are being used. (View Highlight)
  • Strathern, in her text Relation, argues we reflect on the fact that whenever we construct knowledge around an unfamiliar Other, we make what is local and familiar to them familiar to us through a process of reduction by passing what is observed through our own concepts of the world, in what amounts to a “globalization” of knowledge [6]. T (View Highlight)
  • One of the key questions that a deco- lonial approach to design would there- fore raise is: What does it mean to design for people who are not like us, even be- fore we ask whether we should design for people who are not like us? What does it mean to design for people who have dif- ferent histories, different backgrounds, and different commitments from us? What does it mean to design for people who might relate to the world differently from the way we do? (View Highlight)
  • ugh a process of reduction by passing what is observed through our own concepts of the world, in what amounts to a “globalization” of knowledge [6]. This reduction is what makes what would otherwise be strange and irrational, impossible for us to in- ternalize, something that we can under- stand and internalize. (View Highlight)
  • Ontologies are, in short, cosmo- logically specific—and here I use the word cosmology instead of culture to denote that what we are talking about are large constellations of ontologies that structure the ways in which hu- man communities make sense of the cosmos they exist in. They are cosmo- ontologies. (View Highlight)
  • Thus I would argue the decoloni- zation of the knowledge systems that designers rely upon must start from a proper appraisal of difference. Not just difference in a shallow sense, where we assume people around the world simply use different words and languages to de- scribe the same concepts and the same realities. Instead, I would argue we must think of difference as something deeper and much more fundamental— something indicative of the incredibly different realities that p (View Highlight)
  • Thus I would argue the decoloni- zation of the knowledge systems that designers rely upon must start from a proper appraisal of difference. Not just difference in a shallow sense, where we assume people around the world simply use different words and languages to de- scribe the same concepts and the same realities. Instead, I would argue we must think of difference as something deeper and much more fundamental— something indicative of the incredibly different realities that people inhabit and relate to. Difference—and I would argue, especially the difference between different cultures, civilizations, com- munities, and collectives of people who have developed along their own trajec- tories through time—is ontological. It is deeply tied to the ways, the categories, through which we make sense of our- selves and our identities. (View Highlight)
  • anthropologist Evans-Pritchard described how the Nuer of Sudan construct their concept of something as fundamental as time: “In the middle of September Nuer turn, as it were, towards the life of fishing and cattle camps and feel that village resi- dence and horticulture lie behind them. They begin to speak of camps as though they were already in being, and long to be on the move. This restlessness is even more marked towards the end of the drought when, noting cloudy skies, peo- ple turn towards the life of villages and make preparations for striking camp… the concept of seasons is derived from social activities rather than from the cli- matic changes which determine them, and a ‘year’ is to Nuer a period of village residence (cieng) and a period of camp residence (wec)” (View Highlight)
  • o uncover how soci- eties that have lived more sustainably through their own everyday lives would be invaluable (View Highlight)
  • Second, an overturning of perspec- tive is possible. It comes from seeing our own knowledge and perspective as local in its own sense, and therefore, open to globalization within another’s worldview. This means we should be aware that the concepts we hold to be very familiar and “natural” can them- selves be subject to other interpreta- tions and consequently, reductions, when viewed from the perspective of a cosmological or cultural Other (View Highlight)